Showing posts with label guest blogger. Show all posts
Showing posts with label guest blogger. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 21, 2018

A comparison of firearm-related death rates in selected Oregon counties

(This is a cross-post from the Ceasefire Oregon blog, here)

By Penny Okamoto, Executive Director of Ceasefire Oregon

Numbers from 2005 – 2014 about firearm-related deaths in Deschutes, Multnomah, Klamath, and Linn Counties. For comparisons, I highlighted Multnomah County because it has the highest population and is the most urban. I highlighted Klamath because it ranks third (behind Curry and Baker) in firearm-related death rates but Klamath has a larger population for better comparison. (Klamath has 66,000; Baker, 16,000; and Curry 22,000 rounded.) I highlighted Linn because it was comparable in population size to Deschutes.

All rates are per 100,000 people.

Deschutes County:
  • Average yearly death rate from firearms: 12.16 per 100,000
  • Average firearm-suicide rate: 11.20
  • Average firearm-homicide rate: 0.64
  • Population: 163,000 (rounded)

Multnomah County:
  • Average yearly death rate from firearms: 8.88 per 100,000
  • Average firearm-suicide rate: 6.41
  • Average firearm-homicide rate: 2.07
  • Population: 757,000 (rounded)

Klamath County:
  • Average yearly death rate from firearms: 21.60 per 100,000
  • Average firearm-suicide rate: 16.47
  • Average firearm-homicide rate: 4.08 (No, that is not a typo.)
  • Population: 66,000 (rounded)

Linn County:
  • Average yearly death rate from firearms: 10.57 per 100,000
  • Average firearm-suicide rate: 9.01
  • Average firearm-homicide rate: 0.95
  • Population: 118,000 (rounded)

Data from https://www.oregonlive.com/trending/2017/12/where_do_oregonians_die_by_gun.html
An additional comparison: Chicago’s firearm-homicide rate is 16.4 per 100,000 (2010-2015). Even Chicago, however, is much lower than that of New Orleans (46.9), Detroit (45.0), or St. Louis (43.8) for the same time period. [Sixty percent of guns recovered in crimes in Chicago were first sold in other states, many with weaker gun laws. A small handful of gun stores, three from Cook Country and one from Gary, Indiana, continue to be responsible for a disproportionate number of crime guns recovered on Chicago’s streets.]  (Source: “Is Chicago Really America’s Most Dangerous City?”)

Further studies are needed to determine if firearm-homicide rates in Jefferson (4.62), Klamath (4.08), Malheur (2.26), Coos (2.22), and Josephine (2.06) Counties could be reduced with immediate access to Level 1 trauma centers. The same question should be asked of firearm-suicide rates. (Approximately 85-90% of firearm-suicide attempts are immediately lethal.)

One must question if providing effective suicide prevention support–including educating people about Extreme Risk Protection Order–and investigating firearm sellers who violate SB 941 by not performing background checks for gun sales, would reduce firearm-related deaths. SB 941 took effect in 2015 and ERPO took effect in 2018. Data could be available next year to determine if SB 941 is effective in reducing firearm-related deaths in counties which enforced the law.

Note: The counties with the highest rates of firearm-related deaths all have or have had* a sheriff who publicly refused to support SB 941 (background checks for almost all firearm sales). (CurryKlamathCoosJosephineDouglas Counties).

*Mr. Skrah (Klamath County) is no longer sheriff after he was found guilty on five counts relating choking and harassment. Skrah was cleared of a charge of strangulation. Skrah stated (without irony), “And if you send me to jail, I don’t know if I can defend myself,” even though he faced jail time for fourth-degree assault. Mr. Gilbertson is no longer sheriff of Josephine County after he was defeated in the last election. Gilbertson, who faced charges of stolen valor, was replaced by Dave Danielwho also states he will ignore Oregon law.

Monday, March 26, 2018

On Guns In America -- Tom Mooney

This is a guest post by a lifetime gun owner and hunter, Tom Mooney. Tom is very much in line with the majority of gun owners (and myself) in calling for reasonable gun regulation to keep guns out of the hands of those who shouldn't have them and prohibit the sale of assault rifles.

Thank you, Tom, for sharing your post....



I have a confession to make. I am a gun owner. To most people who know me that probably doesn’t come as a surprise. After all, I’m the guy who brings venison stew to the potluck and shares my homemade wild game jerky. That meat comes from somewhere, and my guns are one of the tools that allow me to bring that lean, organic, healthy meat home to my friends and family. In light of our ongoing epidemic of gun violence in this country and the latest horrific example of it in Florida, I think it’s important for people like me to speak up. I believe my views represent the majority of gun owners and that fringe groups like the NRA do not represent us. Gun ownership is actually at the lowest level it has been since the late 70s, down from around 50% of households in 1977-1980 to around 30% of households now. Gun owners are definitely in the minority overall and a radical minority of those, combined with gun manufacturers represented by the likes of the NRA, have managed to completely dominate the conversation around guns in this country for decades. It’s time we change that, and my aim is to counter the narrative put forward by the NRA about gun owners and give my non-gun owning friends and fellow citizens a view into how I think and how I believe most gun owners think, about the issues of gun violence and gun control in this country.
I grew up in Montana, which has a robust gun culture, for lack of a better term. I received my first hunting rifle as a gift from my Grandfather when I was 13. It was a .300 Savage model 45 Super Sporter manufactured some time between 1928 and 1936 from what I’ve been able to find out. It lived a hard life behind the seat of his pickup for many years and was in pretty bad shape when I got it. I restored it to good shooting condition and took pride in the work and time it took to get it there. I still have that rifle, but it’s been retired from service now and stays safely locked away and out of the elements. it’s the only physical object I still have left from my Grandfather and the sentimental value of it is priceless. After I had put in the work to get the rifle in good shape, I took the Montana hunter’s safety course and went on my first hunt that Fall. This was a rite of passage that had a profound impact on the rest of my life. It was when I gained my love of the outdoors, an appreciation for time spent with family and friends in nature, and an understanding and respect for the circle of life. The thing about it is that it was never really about the guns per se. The gun had value because it was a gift from my Grandfather who I respected immensely and it was a tool that opened up opportunities to have adventures in the mountains with friends and family and bring home meat for the freezer. I won’t deny that there wasn’t some fascination in my teenage mind with the power I perceived that the gun gave me. However, the culture I grew up in, with a family that emphasized the utilitarian nature of the gun, and the formal safety training I recieved tempered that effectively. I was lucky to grow up in what I would term a “healthy” gun culture, that emphasized safety and looked at the gun as a tool not as an integral part of identity or as a means of exerting power.
Today I own a total of 3 hunting rifles including the one my Grandfather gave me 25 years ago, a .22 caliber rifle for cheap target practice, and a shotgun. No hand guns or assault rifles here. I admit I’ve struggled over the years with how to safely store them and to do my best to be a responsible gun owner. For a long time they just sat in my closet completely unlocked with ammo on the closet shelf right above. I figured it wasn’t a big deal since I didn’t have kids and I trusted the people I lived with. That was a bad choice in hindsight, however. All it would have taken is a single break-in, or a friend of a friend who I didn’t know and trust to get a hold of one of them for a tragedy to ensue. Today, I don’t have a proper gun safe since they are expensive, heavy, and hard to handle, but the guns do stay hidden and pad locked in hard plastic cases with trigger and bolt locks in place and bolts removed on the hunting rifles. Even if someone did manage to take one, cut the locks on the case and gain access, they would find an inoperable weapon. The ammunition and bolts stay locked in a small safe in a seperate location. I do not find the need to keep one easily accessible for “home defense”, and I certainly don’t have the need to carry one with me all the time. All the statistics show that a gun in a home is more likely to hurt the owner or a loved one than it ever is to be used against a hypothetical intruder. As much as the NRA would like people to be scared of things like home invasions so they keep buying guns, the truth is such crimes are exceedingly rare. The chances of being struck by lightning, eaten by a shark, or hit by a car walking down the sidewalk are probably greater than the chances of being a victim of a home invasion. As a result of this plain logic and risk assessment, I keep the guns as inaccessible as possible.
Now with that background on my personal history and relationship with guns out of the way, on to the nitty gritty of what we do about the gun violence epidemic in this country. As with so many of these big issues, there are multiple, intersecting issues at work. Among them is the culture of toxic masculinity that has given rise to the #MeToo movement and the growing awareness of the pervasiveness of rape culture and mysoginy in our society. Gun violence at it’s core is really a problem of male violence. It is the horrific end game of the endemic issues the #MeToo movement has brought to light around sexual assault and domestic violence that pervade every corner of our society. Sexual assault is not about sex, it is about power. Gun violence is much the same. We have an entire generation of men, white men in particular, who feel their power in society diminishing as the country becomes more mulicultural; Who have seen the middle class hollowed out, and good-paying, traditionally male jobs in manufacturing dissappear. This loss of societal and economic power among white men is one piece of the puzzle in explaining the rise of this toxic gun culture. Feeling powerless over their own lives, I believe many men turn to guns to give them a sense of that power back. As someone who has seen the devastating power of guns first hand, with the ability to bring down a 600 pound animal at 200 yards with a single well placed shot, I can understand the allure. It certainly does give one a sense of power, an almost god-like feeling of holding the key to life and death in your hands. The problem with this, and where it becomes toxic is that it gets wrapped up in people’s core identity. Instead of looking at guns as a tool, the gun and the power it brings, become a core part of who they are as a person. I believe this is part of the reason it has become so hard to talk about gun control in this country. Because for many people, it’s not just about guns, it’s about a core part of who they are and how they relate to the world. When you talk about limiting access to guns, they hear limiting access to one of the only things they feel they have left to give them a sense of power in the world. Obviously this is a huge issue, with many economic and cultural facets that won’t be solved any time soon. In the meantime, our children are dying and we absolutely must do something about it NOW!
What we can do now, while we continue to work on the cultural and economic issues that are at the root of the problem, is to join the rest of the industrialized world and pass common sense gun control legislation that keeps lethal weapons out of the hands of mass murderers and reduces the damage they can do in any single incident. The fact is that higher rates of gun ownership in a country are directly correlated to higher rates of gun violence. While it’s important to not conflate correlation with causality, it’s also just sort of common sense. The more guns there are and the more easily they are accessed, the more likely it is that they will be used to commit crimes. Again, the rest of the world has figured this out, it’s not rocket science. Now, the gun lobby would have us believe just the opposite. That they way to curb gun violence is for everyone to carry a gun. Arm teachers, arm doctors, arm Grandma in her wheelchair. Well, following that logic the United States should be one of the safest countries in the world since we have the most guns of just about any country in the world. As we are all painfully aware at this point, that is just not the case. No other comparable country has the level of mass shootings or gun violence in general that we do. Not to mention, I don’t think that is a society that most of us want to live in. A place where everyone is walking around armed to the teeth isn’t a civilized country, its a war zone, and that’s not where I want to live. Therefore, I believe our immediate goals need to be to limit access to the deadliest weapons and take steps to start to reduce the overall number of guns in this country. To be clear, I’m not advocating banning all guns, and I’m not advocating confiscation by force. As you know by now, I own guns, and I’d like to keep them and continue to hunt thank you very much. The fact is though that I don’t need assault rifles to do that and I don’t need an arsenal of 50 guns and thousands of rounds of ammunition to do that and neither does anyone else. So, here are some the steps I belive we can take, and that as a gun owner I would fully support:
1.) Ban the sale, manufacture, and import of semi-automatic military style rifles, assault rifles, whatever you want to call them. Just as a side note, one of the favorite diversion tactics of the radical gun lobby apologists is to turn the argument to what is and what isn’t an assault rifle. I’m not going to play that game. We all know what they are. It’s like porn, you know it when you see it. I would define them as lightweight weapons that fire small caliber, high-velocity rounds at a high rate of fire that are designed to do maximum damage to as many human bodies as possible in as short a time as possible. The AR-15 is the most notorious example since it is the weapon of choice for mass shooters lately, but there are many others. Obviously part of this would be coming up with objective criteria that define what these are. We put a man on the moon, I don’t think coming up with criteria for this should be beyond our ability. These weapons are meant for one thing, to kill enemy combatants on a battlefield. No self-respecting hunter would use one and there’s no reason for any civilian to have them. If you think you’re going to fight the government with your AR-15, you’re delusional. If that’s your concern and your interpretation of the second amendment, then we better all have tanks, Apache helicopters and nuclear missiles because if the government did decide to turn against the people you’re AR-15 isn’t going to help a bit. In reality, they are used to mow down school children and concert goers. Be real and stop living in some kind of right-wing militia fantasy land where you and your AR-15 will be heros in some hypothetical revolution. Kids are dying now, and these weapons being so freely available are a huge part of the problem. if you want to play with battlefield weapons, go join the army, I’m sure they’d be happy to have you.
2.) Ban the sale, manufacture, and import of things like bump stocks and other parts that make it easy to convert a semi-automatic weapon to a fully automatic weapon.
3.) Ban the sale, manufacture, and import of high capacity magazines. If you can’t hit your target with 4 or 5 rounds, then you need a lot more practice and have no business with a weapon in the woods or anywhere else.
4.) Limit the amount of ammunition that can be purchased at one time. We do this with Sudafed for God’s sake, and it has been very effective in combating the methamphetamine epidemic. We should do the same with ammunition. You don’t need thousands of rounds of ammunition for hunting or even target practice.
3.) Raise the age limit for purchasing any kind of gun to 21.
4.) Institute mandatory universal background checks at the Federal level.
5.) Institute a mandatory waiting period of at least 10 days for any weapon.
6.) Require safety training and licensing for gun owners, just like we do for cars.
7.) Require that liability insurance be carried on all guns, just like we do for cars. I believe this would discourage the small percentage of gun owners who have massive arsenals because it would be prohibitively expensive to insure at some point. In my opinion this would be one of the best ways we could start to reduce the overall number of guns that are out there, without confiscation, just by letting the market do it’s thing.
8.) Require by law that guns be stored safely.
9.) Institute a nationwide voluntary buyback program. This worked very well in Australia. They had a school shooting in the 90s and part of their response to it was to start a nationwide buyback program that drastically reduced the number of guns at large in the country. Guess what, they haven’t had a school shooting since.
That’s my list of common sense gun control legislation that I would be fully behind and that most gun owners I have talked to would be fully behind as well. Would it make my life a bit more complicated? It sure would, but if a bit of inconvenience for me will save the life of even one child then it’s worth every bit. Purchasing a gun is a rare thing for most gun owners. Maybe a few times in a lifetime. Having to go through a few more steps, waiting periods, etc. would not be that big of a deal for most of us. It would have a bigger impact on collectors and the “prepper” set who feel the need to have a massive arsenal. But you know what, I don’t care. Their hobby or paranoia isn’t worth the lives of children.
One last point that I’d like to make about gun control is that as with everything in America we have to think about the racial aspect of it. The fact is, some of the first gun control laws were put into place in California with the full backing of the NRA, as a reaction to the Black Panther movement and black folks openly carrying guns. if we are not careful about how we institute and execute gun control legislation it will become just another tool like the “war on drugs” for targeting communities of color and perpetuating the national shame of mass incarceration of black and brown people.
Also, here are some organizations that I’ve contributed to that are doing good work around this and countering the likes of the NRA. I urge you to do the same.
  • Moms Demand Action for Gun Sense in America
  • Everytown for Gun Safety
  • Backcountry Hunters and Anglers (I included BHA not because they are promoting gun control obviously, but because I believe they promote a more “healthy” gun culture; one focused on the gun as a tool and as a means to enjoy the outdoors, kind of what the NRA used to be before they were infiltrated by gun manufacturers and zeaolts. Their conservation work is also tremendous.)

Addendum by Baldr: There is a growing movement of gun owners against the NRA, as well as a number of organizations (such as Gun Owners for Responsible Gun Ownership) and Facebook groups (such as Gun Owners Against the NRA) of responsible gun owners who support commonsense gun regulation.  See my prior blog post on this, HERE.

Friday, August 14, 2015

Seattle Has Enacted A Tax On Firearms and Ammo Sales

Below is a guest blog post from Penny Okamoto, Executive Director of Ceasefire Oregon:


On August 10, the Seattle City Council unanimously approved to tax the sale of firearms and ammunition. From the article:

The council adopted the tax - patterned after a similar measure in Cook County, Illinois - on an 8-0 vote. The tax amounts to $25 for each firearm sold in the city, plus 5 cents per round for nearly every type of ammunition. The revenue would be used for gun safety research and gun violence prevention programs. 
The council also unanimously passed a companion measure to require mandatory reporting of lost or stolen firearms. Mayor Ed Murray said he supports both efforts.

The move came as the city is struggling to reduce gun violence as well as the enormous financial burden of gunshot-related trauma treated at Harborview Medical Center in Seattle. 

The direct medical costs of treating 253 gunshot victims at Harborview Medical Center in 2014 totaled more than $17 million. Taxpayers paid more than $12 million of that. City officials estimate that the new tax would bring in $300,000 to $500,000 a year, but gun shop owners told council members those numbers are inflated and that the law would cost them customers and sales. 

The gun shop owners did not comment on the cost of lives lost due to gunshot death.

The direct cost of gun violence in America is $8.6 billion (such as emergency responder costs, court costs, and victim treatment).  87% of the direct costs is paid by taxpayers, mostly for imprisonment of convicted shooters

Add to that $221 billion in indirect costs (such as victims' lost wages and quality of life).

How much does the gun lobby pay to cover that cost? $0.00.

Americans pay, directly and indirectly, an exorbitant cost for gun violence while the gun lobby, including the National Rifle Association, acquit themselves of any responsibility. The American tax payer foots the bill  for medical care, extra police, long-term care of the seriously injured and care for those who are shot but not insured.

We pay when we give up the freedom to go to the movies or a shopping mall because we worry about yet another person who easily got a gun he never should have had.

We pay when our sisters, daughters, aunts and mothers are intimidated into silence and into staying in abusive relationships at the point of a gun. 

We pay for gun violence in America every time we are afraid to go into public, every time we don't go to a movie, every time we decide to not go to a shopping mall, every time we worry about sending our kids to school, every time we worry that a loved one might commit suicide.

Any responsible gun owner would gladly pay a tax to help reduce gun violence. 

Frankly, I don't care if gun owners are losing a few gun sales. 

Monday, August 10, 2015

Survivor Story: Khary Penebaker

Today we have a guest post by Khary Penebaker, whose mother, while Khary was still an infant, committed suicide with a gun that had been given to her as a gift despite battling depression.  As Khary mentions, he now works to try to prevent similar tragedies as the Survivor Outreach Leader for Moms Demand Action and Everytown for Gun Safety in Wisconsin, where he has a family with three children.

Khary's story illustrates the heart-wrenching effects that gun violence and suicide can have on a family.  If you know anyone who shows signs of suicidal thoughts or severe depression, please remove any guns or other lethal means.  See the addendum, at the bottom of this post, for a link to warning signs, suicide phone hotline, and other information.

Here is Khary's story, which is cross-posted from the Moms Demand Action Faces of Courage site, here:



Khary Penebaker as an infant, with his mother and father
I am a 37-year-old man and I don’t remember my mom. I don’t know her birthday. I don’t know her voice, her touch, her smell. I don’t know much about her. On September 8, 1978, she committed suicide with a gun that my grandfather had given her. She died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the head, alone in her car. She left behind an infant who would never get to grow up with his mom.


For most of my life, I have struggled with two questions: how much could I be worth if my mom wasn’t willing to push through her depression, and why she did this to me? Neither question really has an answer—or at least an answer that would be worthwhile, given the fact that it wouldn’t bring her back or make this never-ending pain go away.
I have only had two real conversations about my mom and what happened to her. The first occurred in January of 1996 when I was a senior in high school. I had been snooping around my father’s things and stumbled upon her death certificate. I knew my mother committed suicide with a gun, but reading the death certificate meant learning for the first time what exactly had happened without any sugar-coating. After reading it, I felt like my already shaky existence was thrown into a whirlwind of more self-doubt and even greater grief. I told my father what I had found and that sparked the first and the last conversation we had about her. I could tell it was hard for him to talk about, just as it was hard for me to hear. I didn’t want to press him on it because I felt maybe it was easier on both of us if we just avoided the talk so we could pretend the pain wasn’t there.
The second conversation was in 2000 with my grandmother—the first time I had asked her about my mom. She told me some fun stories and tried to fill in some blanks, but she knew that a few hours of a conversation wouldn’t erase the two decades of time I had lost with my mother.
I have never blamed my mother’s death on the gun itself. However, I do wonder if things would have been different had she not had access to it since she had a long history of depression. Suicide is often an act of impulse; if that gun hadn’t been there maybe she would have pushed through that low point and been alive today. Suicide attempts committed with a firearm are twenty-one times more likely to result in a fatality than several other methods, including suffocation (69%), falls (31%), and poisoning/overdose (2%). When parents store their guns safely, they dramatically lower the chance of accidental shootings and suicides in their homes. But more than two million American children live in homes with unsecured guns, and for them and their families, preventable deaths are a real threat.
I wish I could go back in time and tell my grandparents to secure that gun so my mom couldn’t get to it. I wish I could have told my mom everything was going to be okay and that I was worth living for… but I can’t. I have to live every day with lingering, unanswerable questions.
I don’t wish this pain or the emptiness I often feel on my worst enemy. My father eventually remarried and, while my new mom has been a godsend, I will always long for the opportunity to hug my mom, to kiss her, to take in her smell and the way she feels, to know her, to see myself in her, to have her meet her grandkids. I want something to remember her by other than old pictures, which usually just trigger a wave of nearly unbearable emotion. Her suicide robbed me of part of myself.
Despite a difficult start to my life, I have been very fortunate. I am married with three awesome kids. My wife loves me, even with this burden I have to bear. There is an immense amount of security and reassurance in that alone.
Beyond my wife and kids, I also find comfort in helping others who have been personally affected by gun violence. Recently, I became a volunteer Survivor Outreach Leader for Moms Demand Action and Everytown for Gun Safety in Wisconsin. In this role, I am connecting with family members of victims and survivors of gun violence to give them support and help them, if they choose, to become advocates for gun safety.
Before my involvement with Everytown, I practically never spoke about or even let myself think of my mother. But, during the training for the position, I had the opportunity to meet others who had been through similar tragedies, and I shared my story with them, confronting it head on. The support I received—and continue to receive—from them has empowered me in ways I never could have imagined. I didn’t know that my experience was something I could open up to anyone about, and learning that I’m not alone in this journey has made all the difference to me. I am looking forward to providing this same support to others.
Addendum (added by Baldr): 


Call 911 if you are in imminent danger to yourself or others, or
Call 1-800-SUICIDE or 1-800-273-8255

I, too, have lost a friend to a suicidal shooting.  Please see HERE for a list of suicide warning signs. See HERE for statistics around suicide and guns.  For more information, see also the Ceasefire Oregon Education Foundation WEBPAGE for suicide prevention.  

Every life is precious, including yours.

Tuesday, August 4, 2015

Survivor Story: Liz Hjelmseth

Today we have a guest post from Liz Hjelmseth, who, as a child, survived being shot by her brother.  Below is her survivor story and how the event has changed her life.  She now works to help prevent other such shootings as an organizer for her local Moms Demand Action chapter.


Liz Hjelmseth as a child
I was 8 years old the Halloween my brother shot me in a fight over my cat. As I hopped off to the bathroom to die in the bathtub, thinking it would be easier for my Mom to clean up, he followed behind me apologizing and telling me he didn’t mean to do it. That was the very last time words were ever passed between us about the shooting. 

We went into shock together but luckily my sister was home and she knew what to do. Miracles happened that day, living through it was the one I cherish the most. Me living through it, my brother living through it and my family living through it. All of those miracles were not a given the moment my teenaged brother, who was not thinking straight because of a flash of anger, went to another room got a gun that was improperly stored, lifted it in anger, pointed it hastily and pulled the trigger.

Extraordinary measures were taken to keep me alive. I slept through most of that. I woke days later to hear the story of my shooting, the story that would be repeated over and over, the one my brother and I knew was not true. The story was my brother was playing with a gun he didn’t know was loaded, it accidentally went off, striking me. So to the world it was playing and accidental, something we can all have a good laugh about and a shrug of the shoulder and go on. Playing is fun right? Accidents are not worthy of our scrutiny because they are no one’s fault they are unpreventable. No one ever asked me what my version of the story was and I didn’t offer it.

That story most likely held us together as a family and for that I will be forever thankful. The story did have consequences though. I think about the little me going off to bed every night, never able to sleep very well, always afraid someone was going to kill me. My parents would repeat over and over, “No one is going to kill you Lizzy. Why would you think that?” Maybe because every night I had to go to bed knowing the person sleeping in the room next to mine did try to kill me, but we never spoke those words. During the day I could live the story but at night, when your brain leaves you open to truths, I could not keep faithful to the story and so I stayed awake, holding vigil. I held vigil for 22 years until I couldn’t do it any longer. I gave my version of the shooting at age 30 to my family. The healing started and it continues today. The shooting has been re-categorized as a terrible thing that happened, still with very little fault.

What I have come to realize is accidents don’t happen with guns. Guns have one purpose, to kill, and so if you pick one up and handle it carelessly and it does exactly what it is designed to do there is no accident. If you are an adult that leaves guns lying around and a child gets one and shoots themselves or someone else that is no accident, you are at fault.

Next time you hear the news anchor say these words, “A child was accidentally shot today…” know there are no accidents. There is a story that child and family will live but that story is no accident.

Friday, June 27, 2014

Survivor Story: Allen Wayne McNeil

Shooting survivor Allen Wayne McNeil
Today we have a survivor story from guest blogger Allen Wayne McNeil.  In 2012, he survived being shot three times in front of his residence, in Mobile, Alabama.  Wayne is now an advocate for stronger gun regulation to keep others from being victims.  Here is the account, in his own words, of his harrowing experience....



On October 10th 2012, I became a victim of gun violence in America. I have never tried to collect all of my thoughts and recollections about the experience in one place.  Perhaps now is the time.

I came home from work later than usual that evening and settled into the swing underneath the large old oak tree in my front yard to wind down. My former neighborhood was not one of the better in midtown Mobile, AL, but I had lived there for 10 years and thought nothing of being outside after dark. I suppose it was this complacency that contributed in at least a small part to being shot that evening. I was listening to music through headphones, blissfully unaware of the world around me. 

Deciding at around 11:30pm that it was getting late, I got out of the swing and headed to the front door of my house and heard what I though was a firecracker explode. I turned towards the sound and saw two men walking down the side walk.  I continued towards the door and heard a second firecracker go off, the men were following me. With the second blast I remember thinking “why are they throwing these things at me?” There was an odd sensation of air being compressed around my torso paired with what felt like an equal expansion inside my body. Somewhere in the next few seconds I saw the gun and began to realize they were shooting at me (at this point I had been shot once through the upper arm and once through my chest.) I tripped over a planter and fell down with my back to the door. I do not remember any details about my shooters appearance, but I will never forget him asking “do you like my gun” holding it out towards me to see. I raised my arm to shield myself and felt the third bullet hit my body, just below my armpit. It was in this moment that I knew they would just keep shooting me over and over if I didn’t get inside the house. I reached up and opened the door and crawled inside. 

Once inside the house I stood up, walked over to the table and grabbed a shirt to press against my wounds. I saw the terrified look on my roommate’s face from where she stood at the end of the hallway. It was in this moment that fear became a part of the whole experience. I started to walk towards her, she was telling me to lie down and stay still. I was so fevered and kept asking for a wet washcloth. (I later learned a few weeks later that she was afraid they would fire into the house and was frightened to walk to the bathroom to get me the washcloth.)

As I lay on the tile floor, I felt the most intense pain in my abdomen, weird cramps that would not subside. I started to think of all of the things that I hadn’t finished that week and thought “is this what it feels like to die?” I wondered how long it would take the paramedics to arrive. Next a fairly calm belief that “this isn’t all I get, I will wake up tomorrow” settled over me.

I guess about 15 minutes from the first shot being fired the police arrived and began asking me
questions, shortly after the ambulance was outside. I answered questions as thoroughly as I could in the pain and confusion. While the EMT’s were attending to me on the ambulance, I remember asking them “to keep me alive until we get to the hospital.” I guess I was in surgery by 12:00 am. Here is where the events become less detailed, I recall hearing voices, being awake, seeing bright hospital lights. I regained consciousness the next day in the ICU.

The bullet removed from Wayne McNeil's back.
The shooters used a 9mm handgun and three bullets went through my body, hitting one lung, stomach, liver, and destroying my gallbladder. The third bullet lodged in the small of my back about 2” from my spine. It was removed a few weeks later and I have it as a souvenir of sorts. My torso bears a myriad of scars both from the bullets and surgery. I remained in the hospital for eight days, spent the next two weeks recovering at family and friends' homes. During that recovery period my house was packed up and moved to a new neighborhood. Three and half weeks later I went back to work.  

I feel so fortunate to have survived this ordeal and to be able to lend my voice to the debate of gun control issues in our country. Mostly I feel lucky that anger and fear aren’t a part of the emotions I have about becoming a victim. In some regards it is hard to even view myself as a victim, when I woke up in the hospital I was surrounded by an endless stream of family and friends. Mobile, particularly historic downtown where I have worked for years, rallied behind my recovery. I felt and still feel so much more love than pain.


To present date the shooters have not been identified by the police, the case is still open but not actively being investigated. The crime was officially listed as attempted robbery, though the criminals never asked for nor tried to take anything. I have wondered if, (and in fair disclosure… this is pure speculation on my part,) listing my shooting as attempted robbery somehow makes the crime rate in Mobile, AL look better, statistically.

It has taken me almost two years to feel comfortable talking about my experience publicly. The questions I am left with have less to do with whether or not my shooters will ever be caught, and more to do with how we solve this problem. Before being shot I was always in favor of gun control reform, but now I feel compelled to be an active participant in asking for sensible legislation that will ensure that unnecessary deaths do not happen. I am currently trying to find the best way to represent and advocate gun crime victims and survivors. I hope I can be a part of making positive changes in the way we think about guns and crime in America.

My name is Allen Wayne McNeil, I became a gun violence victim of October 10th 2012 and when I woke up on the 11th I became a survivor!



ADDENDUM (from Baldr): Thank you, Wayne, for sharing your story.  It takes courage to do so, yet can make such a difference, for the voices of survivors and the families of victims are the strongest to call for commonsense gun regulation.

Wayne McNeil's is one of a number of survivor stories posted here at New Trajectory.  You can also find others, or add your own survival story or the story of loved ones injured or killed by gun violence, at the links found in one of my previous posts, HERE.

Wednesday, January 29, 2014

Remarks On Gun Violence From U.S. Attorney Amanda Marshall

U.S. Attorney S. Amanda Marshall
(source)
On January 28 in Portland, the Oregon Alliance to Prevent Gun Violence, of which Ceasefire Oregon is a member, met for a strategy summit.  We were proud to have, as the opening speaker, S. Amanda Marshall, the United States Attorney for the District of Oregon.  

Nominated by President Barack Obama in November of 2010, Ms. Marshall was confirmed by the U.S. Senate in September of 2011.  As the chief federal law enforcement officer in Oregon, she oversees prosecution of all federal crimes and civil matters on behalf of the United States.  She manages a staff of more than 100 people in three offices in Portland, Eugene and Medford.

Thank you, Ms. Marshall, for your continued work to make our communities safer!

Below is the text of her remarks from the Summit around the issues of gun violence and the need for universal background checks for gun purchases, published with her approval as a guest blogger:



Thank you Oregon Alliance to Prevent Gun Violence for inviting me today and for the work you do to enhance the safety of all Oregonians. It’s a privilege to stand with so many dedicated community leaders as we continue our discussion about how we can – and why we must – take action to prevent the gun violence that devastates too many lives and communities every day.

Horrific events of the recent past in Aurora, Colorado; in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, Newtown, Connecticut; and here in Clackamas - were shocking reminders of how gun violence devastates communities.  On a daily basis, these unspeakable tragedies are compounded by countless individual tragedies that take place on our streets, often unnoticed; and that too frequently take the lives of our children.

 For me – and for my colleagues across the Justice Department – responding to this senseless violence, and preventing future tragedies, constitutes a top priority.   That’s why, last year, Attorney General Eric Holder, along with Vice President Biden and a number of Cabinet members created a comprehensive plan for reducing gun violence and making our neighborhoods and schools more secure.   The plan included a range of legislative proposals – along with a series of 23 executive actions, most of which the Justice Department has made significant progress in implementing. 

 For instance, the Department is investing more than $20 million this fiscal year to strengthen the firearm background check system – by improving states’ abilities to share information with the NICS.   This grant funding is intended to enhance reporting of prohibiting mental health information, convictions, and active warrants.   In addition, last September, the Attorney General issued guidance to all federal agencies that will require federal law enforcement to trace all guns recovered in investigations.   Justice Department is also continuing to review gun safety technology innovations – and taking a look at all prohibitors.

My office aggressively prosecutes crimes involving the unlawful use and possession of firearms. In fact, the District of Oregon ranks third in the Ninth Circuit, ahead of much larger offices.

One in every five cases prosecuted federally in Oregon last year involved illegal use or possession of a firearm. Most of Oregon homicides and suicides involve a firearm.

We prosecute offenders through our project safe neighborhood initiative that woks with state, federal, tribal, and local law enforcement partners to put armed career criminals behind bars. We also work with the ATF, and other law enforcement agencies, in more targeted and proactive investigations to get guns out of the hands of criminals on our streets. 

One of those investigations has gotten some press recently.  What the coverage fails to point out is that Operation Kraken, an undercover, storefront investigation in 2010, led to the seizure of 80 guns from drug dealers and drug users, convicted felons, undocumented foreign nationals and gang members or combinations thereof.   

This investigation was designed to remove a large number of gun-toting criminals from the community and to seize the firearms they had access to, and that is exactly what happened. The 48 people prosecuted in this case had a combined total of 340 arrests and 125 felony convictions for things like assault, rape, robbery, burglary, and drug dealing.  Not people we want walking around with guns. Unfortunately these successful public safety outcomes have been lost, or simply not relevant to the narrative the reporter was trying to spin.

In addition to enforcement, we need better laws to give us tools to keep guns it of the hands of criminals.

Requiring all gun purchasers to undergo a criminal background check is a rational way to fill the gaping hole in our current system that allows crooks to bypass the process most gun owners willingly go through. The procedure takes about five minutes and every year prevents about 80,000 prohibited people nationwide from getting a gun.  In Oregon, 2,378 gun sales were stopped in 2012 after buyers failed a background check.

Nationwide, about 40 percent of guns are bought from private parties without a background check. Those seeking to avoid scrutiny can easily do so. Recent polls show that 94 percent of police chiefs, 74 percent of NRA members and 87 percent of all Americans support universal background checks. Still, lawmakers, both State and Federal, failed to pass legislation that would have fixed the loophole.

Would expanding background checks end gun violence? Certainly not. We need proactive, multidisciplinary strategies that address youth and gang violence, an overhaul of our mental health system, and a cultural shift toward compassion and community and away from cynicism and isolation.

But while we are working on that, we should note that states requiring background checks for all gun sales have seen gun trafficking reduced by half and a significant decrease in domestic violence homicides where guns were used.

Lawbreakers will continue to commit crimes. But as crime fighters, we need tools that make it harder for criminals to obtain guns and hold those who help them accountable. Don't we owe it to our children and families to do whatever we can?


I know that, with the support of countless ordinary citizens – and the expertise and assistance of the leaders in this room – we can take the common-sense steps we need to stop gun violence and keep deadly weapons from falling into the wrong hands.   I recognize, as you do, that there’s no easy fix for addressing these challenges and confronting their underlying causes.   But I also know that those whose lives have been impacted by gun violence – the victims and the survivors – are depending on us.

Sunday, June 9, 2013

Did Sparta Exercise Arms Control In Its Society?

(This is Part I of a two-part series.  See HERE for Part II.)
Professor Stephen Hodkinson

Today we have a guest post by Professor Stephen Hodkinson, BA, PhD, FSA, Professor of Ancient History and Director of the Centre for Spartan and Peloponnesian Studies at the University of Nottingham.

Professor Hodkinson is a world leader in the history of Sparta, and edited and helped write (along with co-author Ian Macgregor Morris) “Sparta in Modern Thought.”  Dr. Hodkinson was even made an Honorary Citizen of the modern city of Sparta in Greece for his academic contributions to the history of Sparta.

As I expound upon in Part II, a common slogan among the more extremist groups of U.S. pro-gun activists is "Molon labe!" (ancient Greek for “Come and take them”), a phrase which was supposedly spoken by King Leonidas I after Xerxes I commanded him to lay down his arms and surrender, at the Battle of Thermopylae (as written by the ancient historian Plutarch, who was a Greek Roman).  Pro-gun activists in the U.S. use the cry as a sort of code phrase to oppose any and all gun regulation, with the fallacious assumption that, no matter how commonsense the regulation may be, it would eventually lead to complete confiscation of all civilian firearms (and thus they would utter the phrase upon any attempt to take them away).

But I wondered how appropriate such a slogan was.  Though it fit the idea of surrendering arms, I wanted to delve a bit deeper.  As I understood it, the Sparta of Leonidas was deeply stratified and had some very profound rules about earning honor and rigorous military training.

Thus, I was curious, and hoped Dr. Hodkinson could help answer some questions:  Could anyone in Sparta possess weaponry?  Were Helots or the others banned from owning weapons?  Did you have to earn the right, even as a Spartiate?  At what age could you possess a weapon?  Were women allowed to be armed?  Once earned, could anyone carry a weapon anywhere they wished in society?

My main goal was to compare and contrast the reality of arms control between that of Sparta in the time of Leonidas and the U.S. of today, and see if the utterance of "Molon labe!" is really pertinent to the modern pro-gun movement or is simply a shallow and narrowly-focused slogan.

So I wrote Dr. Hodkinson with these questions.  Below was his academic response.  In Part II I will then evaluate his response in light of the gun control and pro-gun movements.  

From Dr. Hodkinson:


Did Sparta exercise arms control in its society?
(Academic opinion in response to a query from Baldr Odinson)

Professor Stephen Hodkinson. BA, PhD, FSA
Professor of Ancient History and Director, Centre for Spartan and Peloponnesian Studies
University of Nottingham

Preliminary note
My comments here derive from my research over the last few years on the role of war and military elements in Spartan culture. I have published an early version of my findings in an article, “Was classical Sparta a military society?”, in Stephen Hodkinson and Anton Powell (eds.), Sparta and War (Classical Press of Wales, Swansea, 2006), pp. 111-162.

Historical Context
My comments deal with ancient Sparta in the Classical period of Greek history: i.e. the 5th and 4th centuries BC. This was the period when Sparta was at the peak of its power: when it led the Greek resistance to the Persian invasion (480-479 BC, which included the battle of Thermopylae), when it fought the Peloponnesian War against Athens (431-404 BC), and when it controlled a short-lived empire, which collapsed after Sparta’s defeat at the battle of Leuktra in 371 BC.

Spartan society was highly stratified and, in discussing the question of access to arms, we need to distinguish several different groups. Traditionally, there were three main groups:

  • The Spartiates (nowadays, in popular parlance, simply called the ‘Spartans’). This was the elite group of full citizens. They lived in the five central villages of Sparta and were a leisured elite of landowners. Their country estates, which occupied the most fertile plains within Sparta’s quite large territory, were cultivated by an unfree population, the helots (see below). Spartiate boys went through the public upbringing from age 7 and Spartiate men alone exercised political rights. Spartiate girls also received some form of public physical training before marriage.
  • The perioikoi (‘dwellers around’). This was another group of free men and women. They lived in a number of self-governing villages or small towns scattered around Sparta’s territory. Economically, they ranged from wealthy leisured landowners to ordinary working farmers and craftsmen etc. They were not full citizens like the Spartiates (they did not exercise any political rights in Sparta itself or go through the Spartiate upbringing), but they did have some form of subsidiary membership of the broader political community. The ancient term for the Spartan state, ‘the Lakedaimonians’, embraced both the Spartiates and the perioikoi.
  • The helots. These were an unfree population who farmed the Spartiates’ country estates and were also servants in the Spartiates’ households in Sparta itself.

There were also a number of other groups in the society. The people in these groups were free, but not full citizens. Over the course of the Classical period, two of these other groups became numerically significant:

  • The Inferiors. These were Spartiates who had lost full citizen status for various reasons: most notably impoverishment which prevented them from making their compulsory food contributions to their common mess, which led to loss of Spartiate status.
  • The neodamodeis. These were former helots who had been given their freedom in return for military service in Sparta’s armies. This status was probably created during the Peloponnesian War in the 420s BC.

A couple of further minor groups are worth mentioning:

  • The mothakes. Exactly who these were is debated. In my view, these were boys from former Spartiate families which had lost full citizen status, but who were sponsored through the public upbringing by wealthy Spartiates and on successful completion could regain Spartiate status.
  • The nothoi (‘bastards’). These were probably sons of Spartiate fathers by helot women.

Ownership of and access to arms: military weapons
The phrase “molon labe” (“come and take them”) ascribed to King Leonidas at the battle of Thermopylae relates to military arms used in warfare. Most soldiers in Sparta were heavy-armed hoplites, whose offensive weapons were a spear and a short sword (shorter than the sword of hoplites from other Greek states). Hoplite service was normally reserved to adult males (i.e. men aged 20 and over). Among the Spartiates the age of retirement from hoplite service was age 60.

Of the groups listed above, the Spartiates, perioikoi, Inferiors, neodamodeis and nothoi are all attested as fighting as hoplites in Sparta’s armies. (Nowadays, we talk loosely about the ‘Spartan army’; but Sparta’s army was never composed solely of Spartiates. The ‘Lakedaimonian army’ would be more accurate and closer to ancient usage.) We can reasonably assume that adult male hoplites from all these groups of free persons had legitimate personal ownership of military weapons, which they would typically store at home when not on active service.

The situation regarding the helots is slightly more complex. (Peter Hunt’s controversial book, Slaves, Warfare and Ideology in the Greek Historians, argues that the helots had a larger military role than most scholars believe.) In my view, they did not normally have an active fighting role. There were occasional exceptions: in the crucial battle of Plataia in 479 BC, the final battle of the Persian War, 35,000 helots participated as light-armed (not hoplite) troops; and modest numbers of helots sometimes fought on overseas campaigns during the Peloponnesian War. But these were exceptional occasions. Each Spartiate was normally accompanied on campaign by a helot personal servant; but there were strict precautions to prevent these helots gaining access to usable arms. So there is every reason to believe that within Spartan territory helots would normally have been prevented from owning or gaining access to military weapons – or at least to spears (see below).

Returning to the various groups who are attested as fighting as hoplites, did they have to earn the right to bear and own arms? Again, there is no text that specifies the exact legal position; but there were certain hoops that men from the different groups had to go through. A Spartiate boy almost certainly had to fulfil all the demands of the upbringing, in order to be allowed to join the army at age 20; the same surely also applied to young mothakes. The neodamodeis had to agree to perform military service for Sparta in return for being granted their freedom. As for members of the perioikoi, on reaching adulthood they had to be accepted as legitimate citizens in their own local communities and they probably also had to have sufficient wealth to afford the hoplite equipment – as was the case in most other Greek states.

Gender. No women from any of the groups in Spartan society fought in the Lakedaimonian army or had any guard duty roles, so they probably had no right to own or use military weapons.

Age. As already indicated, for the Spartiates (and probably for the other groups too) eligibility for hoplite service began at age 20. Whether or not a Spartiate teenager possessed his own weapons before he started hoplite service is not mentioned in any ancient source. It may be that youths in their late teens, soon about to become hoplites, did so, but it is very difficult to demonstrate. In Athens, and possibly in other Greek states, 18-19-year-olds from citizen families who could afford it (families had to pay their teenagers’ costs) could serve as ephebes, being assigned static guard duties inside Athenian territory. Athenian teenagers would necessarily have their own weapons during this period of service. However, no source mentions anything parallel in Sparta (on the enigmatic Krypteia, see below). Contrary to popular opinion, Greek hoplite fighting, even in Sparta, involved remarkably little specialised prior training. It was generally assumed that using spear or sword was such a natural activity that it required little formal training, and in other states one has references to youths just grabbing their father’s weapons stored at home and playing at fighting. In Sparta, of course, boys were away from home in the public upbringing from age 7, so one might imagine that training teenagers for combat would have been more organised. However, none of the evidence for the Spartiate public upbringing makes any mention of specialised military training: either practice in the use of spear or sword or practice in group combat. The only implied reference to formal military training (and this was for hoplites generally, not specifically part of the upbringing) is to formation drill: coordinated manoeuvres to get the phalanx into the right position before or during battle. It would be reasonable to assume that 18-19-year-old Spartiates were included in this formation drill training in preparation for when they turned age 20; and also that it was probably practised spear in hand, to make it more realistic. However, this is only assumption and it cannot be used to infer that boys below age 18 had access to military weapons. (In an incident discussed below, when one boy accidentally killed another, he did so with a whittling knife, not a military weapon.)

Use of military weapons in everyday peacetime life
There were certain specific occasions in everyday peacetime life when men who had legitimate ownership of military weapons could take them out of storage at home and make use of them in public situations. One was for the formation training mentioned above. Another was for hunting expeditions in the countryside, for which spears were used. Yet another may have been for certain types of public dances: notably the so-called pyrriche, which mimicked combat movements and was conducted bearing one’s shield – and possibly one’s spear (the evidence differs on this point).

However, apart from these specific occasions, the Spartiates (and no doubt the other groups who fought in the army) normally went about their daily lives unarmed: i.e. without carrying weapons. This point is attested by two contemporary writers: Thucydides, writing about Greece in general in the late 5th century; and Xenophon, writing specifically about Sparta in the early 4th century.

Thucydides (1.5-6) says that in certain (less civilised) parts of Greece – he mentions various peoples in central Greece – the old practice of carrying arms still survives because of the continuing danger of piracy. The clear implication is that in more secure and civilised Greek states people no longer carried weapons in everyday life; and this is confirmed when he goes on to say that the Athenians were the first to give up the habit of carrying weapons and also to adopt the fashion of wearing luxurious dress. He then says that the Lakedaimonians (i.e. Spartans) were the first to dress more simply in accord with modern taste. The implications are: (1) that by the time of their shift to simpler dress the Spartans had already followed the Athenian example of not carrying arms in everyday life; (2) that the Athenians and other civilised Greeks then adopted the Spartan example of simple dress, so that by Thucydides’ time in the late 5th century they all dressed simply and without carrying arms.

Xenophon, in his Hellenika (3.3.7), gives an account of a planned conspiracy in Sparta around 400 BC whose leaders hoped to recruit various non-Spartiate groups – the helots, neodamodeis, Inferiors and perioikoi – to revolt against the Spartiates. The conspiracy was nipped in the bud because an informer brought it to the attention of the authorities and reported a conversation he had had with the conspiracy’s leader, a certain Kinadon. When the informer asked Kinadon where the rebels would get arms, this is how Xenophon reports Kinadon’s words and actions (I quote):

“Those of us who are in the army, of course, have arms of our own. As for the mob, I will show you.” He had then taken him into the iron market and pointed out to him the great supply of knives, swords, spits, axes, hatchets and sickles. “And tools”, he said, “which are used for work in agriculture, forestry or stonework are also weapons, and most of the other industries, too, use implements which are perfectly good weapons, especially against unarmed men.”

From this evidence we can deduce that: (1) various types of everyday sharp and bladed implements (but not spears), were available for purchase in the market and for use by all sorts of subordinate groups – whether the swords mentioned in the passage would have been sold to helots is an interesting but unanswerable question; (2) despite this easy availability of dangerous implements to potential rebels, the Spartiates went about their daily lives unarmed.

Earlier in the episode Xenophon gives a series of snapshots of Spartiate daily life. He depicts around 75 Spartiates doing business in the agora surrounded by more than 4,000 non-Spartiates; other Spartiates walking about the streets in ones and twos, also outnumbered by non-Spartiates; finally, individual Spartiates out on their country estates supervising a mass of helot labourers. So we can’t account for the fact that the Spartiates didn’t carry arms by arguing that they were always massed in a group, giving them strength in numbers. Xenophon implies that a Spartiate remained unarmed even when on his own out on his country estates, separated from his fellow citizens. Some TV programmes about Sparta, such as the History Channel’s The Rise and Fall of the Spartans (2002), show images of helots working the fields supervised by Spartiates standing over them fully armed in military gear. Nothing could be further from the truth.   

The only occasion when certain Spartiates are said to have gone out among the helots armed with a military weapon was as part of the infamous Krypteia. According to Plutarch (Life of Lycurgus ch. 28), reporting information from Aristotle (probably a work written by Aristotle’s students within his collective research into Greek constitutions), a select group of young Spartiates was sent out carrying the short Spartan sword, the encheiridion, with the brief to kill helots. This, however, was a very limited occasion. According to the latest study, Jean Ducat’s Spartan Education (2006, ch. 9), it took place for a limited period perhaps only once a year, involving a very small number of young Spartiates, perhaps only a dozen or so (possibly 18-19-year-olds, possibly young men in their 20s: the evidence is ambiguous). It does not represent normal everyday Spartan practice.

Use of non-military ‘weapons’ in everyday life
As the Xenophon passage shows, everyday life in a pre-industrial agrarian society like Sparta necessarily involved the regular use of a wide range of sharp and bladed implements which would have been available to men and women from all groups in the society.

This included not just adults but also boys. In his Anabasis – his account of the expedition of the Greek mercenaries known as the ‘Ten Thousand’ into the Persian Empire – Xenophon (4.8.25-6) mentions that one of the troops was a Spartiate called Drakontios who had been exiled from home as a ‘boy’ because he had accidentally killed another boy with the stroke of a xyele. (In a Spartan context, the Greek term for ‘boy’ (pais) could mean anything from age 7 to 14.) The xyele was a curved knife, a Lakonian speciality, used especially for whittling, not specifically for fighting; but obviously its availability could prove tragic in the wrong circumstances. We don’t know anything more about the precise circumstances of this accidental killing. What’s interesting is the severe punishment of exile meted out by the Spartan authorities to the boy Drakontios for the crime of accidental homicide. This was the same punishment as was meted out to Spartan kings who were convicted of taking bribes against Sparta’s state interests whilst on campaign.

“Molon labe”
Finally, some comments on the “molon labe” phrase ascribed to Leonidas at the battle of Thermopylae in 480 BC. It does not appear in Herodotus’ account, written in the later 5th century, which records the witty sayings of another member of the 300, Dienekes. Neither does it appear in accounts of the battle deriving from Ephorus, who wrote in the 4th century and who himself drew upon a contemporary poem about the battle by Simonides. To my knowledge, the only appearance of the phrase in all the ancient evidence about Thermopylae is in a work by Plutarch, writing in the early 2nd century AD: the Apophthegmata Lakonika (Sayings of Spartans), which is part of Plutarch’s Moralia. It is no. 11 out of fifteen sayings ascribed to Leonidas.

The Sayings of Spartans was not an original work by Plutarch himself, but a personal compilation of sayings already in circulation (perhaps already collected into earlier compilations) which Plutarch put together for his own purposes. How far back the sayings go varies from saying to saying. Some go back to the classical period and seem to be authentic sayings by historical characters. However, many appear to be later inventions created in the Hellenistic period.

Leonidas’ saying has a somewhat odd context. Unlike most sayings in Plutarch’s compilation, it is not a verbal saying, but a written response by letter to a letter from the Persian king Xerxes. In fact, it is Leonidas’ second response in a mini-exchange of letters initiated by Xerxes. The initial exchange between the two men is given in the previous Saying, no. 10. Leonidas’ “molon labe” in Saying no. 11 has the appropriate Spartan brevity in response to a brief three-word demand from Xerxes. In contrast, in no. 10 Xerxes’ letter and Leonidas’ response are both somewhat longer: Xerxes’ letter is 10 words long and Leonidas’ response is an incongruously verbose 24 words in ancient Greek. The exchange of letters is in itself peculiar, though not because Spartiates couldn’t read or write (they could). Oral communication via herald was a more normal mode of exchange and would have given greater public resonance to a dramatic assertion like “molon labe”.

In sum, the historical authenticity of the phrase “molon labe” is uncertain. One cannot prove that it is a later embroidering of the Leonidas legend; but its sole appearance in a late work which is known to contain many other inventions and its somewhat odd context in that work do not inspire confidence that it is genuinely historical.


ADDENDUM (8/10/13) (Added by Baldr Odinson): For a related article on how ancient Greeks did not carry their weapons in everyday life, "How the Ancient Greeks Viewed Weapons," see an article in the New Yorker, HERE.  Selected quotes from that article:
The pioneers of citizen armies were also pioneers of withdrawing weapons from the places of civilized life.  ... 
But, even in these cities, it was believed that carrying weapons at home would be tantamount to letting weapons, not laws, rule. ... 
This is the opposite of the view attributed to the Founding Fathers by the N.R.A.’s chief executive, Wayne LaPierre, in 2009, when he said that “our founding fathers understood that the guys with the guns make the rules.” On the contrary, letting the guys with weapons make the rules of ordinary life was the opposite of the classical practices that inspired the American founders. 
.